ChicagoBy CHARLES B. CLEVELAND |
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Bilandic: How did he get the mayor's job?
MICHAEL BILANDIC is now the
elected mayor of Chicago. But almost
no one would have considered Bilandic
a likely successor to Mayor Richard J.
Daley before he died in office last
December. During Daley's 20 years in office,
speculation concerning his successor
had centered on several individuals —
Bilandic was not one of them. Tom
Keane was. He headed the Chicago City
Council and ran it with an iron hand,
but always carefully avoided any confrontation with Daley. He had two
flaws: he was arrogant and he had a
weakness for questionable deals. The
second sent him to prison and eliminated him from contention. Congressman Daniel Rostenkowski
was another. He had become almost the
traditional chairman of the Democratic
party's slatemaking committee, a top
figure in the ethnically strong Polish
community and veteran of dozens of
political wars. But Rostenkowski was
moving toward the top of the Washington ladder and never was a serious
contender. Equally prominent in speculation
over the years was George W. Dunne,
president of the Cook County Board of
Commissioners, and the man regarded
as the most powerful officeholder in
Cook County next to Daley himself.
There were other names: Ken Sain from
the "new breed" of professional managers and County Clerk Stanley Kusper
from the list of second-line politicians. The banking-business community
had no candidate, but its informal
guardian was Robert Abboud, head of
the First National Bank, a political
neophyte but a savvy businessman. New
York bankers, confident of Chicago
while Daley was alive, sent word for the
city to withhold any new bonds until a
new mayor was picked; by inference,
this was a veto power if needed. The first step in replacing Daley came
in the selection of an acting mayor by
the City Council. Traditionally, the real
power in the City Council has been
chairman of the finance committee; with
Keane in jail, that job was now in the
hands of Michael A. Bilandic, a 54-year-old bachelor, attorney and alderman
from Daley's own 11th ward in Bridgeport. Quiet and unassuming, he had
stayed free of political scandal and had
earned a reputation as a hard working,
talented administrator. There were other contenders. Chicago's black aldermen had a good
candidate, Wilson Frost, president pro tem of the City Council. Then there was
Aid. Ed Vrodlyak of the 10th ward who
had quickly lined up eight other aldermen on grounds it was time a non-Irishman got party leadership (all party
leaders for more than 40 years had been
Irish).
Mystery man
Finally, Bilandic was the most obvious choice, especially for the first step
— appointment as acting mayor. He
was on the job, knowledgeable about
current city matters, one of the Bridgeport group and acceptable to the
business-banking community. Vrodlyak with nine votes and Frost
with eighteen, had between them a
majority of the 50-man City Council-on paper. But, it only took Donovan
and the Bridgeport group a lunch hour
and part of an afternoon to destroy that
threat. Frost was named City Council
floor leader and, in return, their votes
went to Bilandic for acting mayor.
Vrodlyak settled for president pro tem.
Behind the scenes, however, was a
"mystery man," Thomas R. Donovan.
Donovan, 39, had gone to De La Salle
Institute, the high school that graduated
Daley and a host of politicians. He came
to City Hall in 1969 and caught Mayor
Daley's eye. Donovan was moved into
the mayor's circle, first as an assistant,
then as patronage chief. He proved hard
working, personable and accommodating and knew what almost nobody else
did: how many jobs there were and who
had them. In politics, that's like having
the combination to the secret safe. In
the game of political poker that was
about to be played, Donovan not only
had his own cards to play, but he knew
just about what everybody else had
going for them, too. There are some who
believe Donovan might have won the
big job himself, but such a coup was
unlikely.
Better transition
Action was not confined to the City
Council since Daley's death had also
created a vacancy in his other position; Democratic county chairman. George
Dunne concentrated on getting this job; there is no agreement on his motives.
Some of his allies believe he really didn't
want the job of mayor and the problems
of the city that went with it. Others feel
that he was waiting for a "draft" from
the party or that he gambled on the job
of county chairman automatically
Some sources believe the transition
could have been handled more diplomatically, and that Frost would have
established the importance of the black
community in Chicago by serving as
acting mayor, then turning power back
to the organization. But the Bridgeport
group didn't want to take a chance; they
insisted that Bilandic step in as a
temporary mayor. As he was being
sworn in as acting mayor, Bilandic
solemnly announced he would only
serve temporarily until an election could
be held and that he would not be a
candidate. His statement turned out to
be political rhetoric.
Continued on back cover.
30 / July 1977 / Illinois Issues
Continued from page 30.
bringing him the job of mayor. But even
getting the county chairman's job was a
fight for Dunne. Edmund Kelly, a ward
committeeman and big wheel in the
Chicago Park District, made a bid for
the job. Before the showdown, Kelly
folded, perhaps because Daley's son
endorsed Dunne. Some insiders feel he
made a mistake and could have won.
We'll never know. In any event, Dunne became county
chairman. Donovan and the Bridgeport
group controlled the City Hall's 10,000
jobs and Bilandic gradually eased from
"acting" mayor to announced candidate
for the job on a permanent basis. Well-
staged meetings at City Hall showcased
Bilandic's support in the business and
labor community; he took over the
ceremonial duties that added a look of
permanence to his job. Meanwhile
Dunne, for whatever reasons, was
relatively inactive. Also there was
considerable sentiment among the pros
that the jobs of mayor and county
chairman should be separated. They
didn't want one man with all the power
again. The Bridgeport crew then came up
with their clincher. Aid. Vito Marzullo,
a crusty West-side politician with
seniority on the county committee and
influence extending far beyond his ward
boundaries, emerged from a City Hall
meeting announcing his support for
Bilandic as candidate. When Fred Roti,
a spokesman for the Loop, identified
with the old Syndicate, joined in,
resistance to Bilandic was broken.
Dunne's name was never seriously
considered again for the primary. However, Ald. Roman Pucinski
entered the Democratic primary anyway and walked off with a third of the
vote; state Sen. Harold Washington
rallied part of the black vote and former
State's Atty. Ed Hanrahan also nibbled
away at the primary vote. But the
Bridgeport group had gained their goal; they had a hammerlock on City Hall,
just as they had had in the days of Kelly,
Kennelly and Daley. In the process, they showed a lot of old pros how to play politics.
32 / July 1977 / Illinois Issues