By AL MANNING A political columnist for The State Journal-Register, he has written about politics and government in the capital city for the past eight years.

Was anybody happy?

The slatemaking saga of Democrats — without Daley

FOR THE first time in 22 years, Illinois Democrats are in the process of nominating candidates for state office without the leadership of Richard J. Daley.

In a certain respect, Daley's last victory as a political leader was his most stunning. He engineered the defeat of an incumbent governor in the Democratic primary, thus strengthening his Democratic organization from maverick challenges. But the Democratic nominees paid the price in November 1976 for Daley's victory in March. The Republican gubernatorial candidate, James R. Thompson, won by the largest margin in the history of the state, primarily because his opponent, Michael J. Howlett, was portrayed as being under Daley's control.

After Daley's death, some Democrats (particularly Downstate Democrats) started working to change the endorsement process in order to avoid the Chicago "bossism" taint and improve their chances in the general election. But during the summer it became clear their task of defeating Gov. Thompson would be a difficult one. Thompson cooperated on governmental issues with Daley's successor, Mayor Michael J. Bilandic, and at the same time worked with a Democratic controlled legislature to avoid a tax increase. In addition, Thompson's running mates on the Republican ticket, U.S. Sen. Charles H. Percy and Atty. Gen. William J. Scott, were proven vote-getters who would also be difficult to defeat.

Because of a provision in the 1970 Illinois Constitution, Thompson is serving a unique two-year term of office. The governor and other state officials elected in 1978 and thereafter will return to the four-year terms. The purpose of the switch is to hold the elections for state office at a time other than the Presidential election. By switching the election dates, voters could focus attention on state issues for one election and the next election would be dominated by the presidential contest.

Opened with Seith
Alex R. Seith of Hinsdale, a lawyer with foreign affairs experience, kicked off the 1978 political campaign by announcing July 27,1977, that he would seek the Democratic nomination for the U.S. Senate. Seith's early announcement was not unusual in Illinois politics, especially for a first time candidate not well-known to the public. Illinois has the earliest filing period of any state in the nation. Candidates are required to file nominating petitions 11 months prior to the general election. Despite Seith's announcement, however, experienced political observers were waiting until after Labor Day to see what the incumbent Democratic officials had in mind.

Secy. of State Alan J. Dixon, perceived by many as the strongest challenger to either Thompson or Percy, announced September 6: "I have decided firmly, finally and with all of the energy I possess to be a candidate for reelection as secretary of state." Dixon, generally recognized as the leader of the Downstate Democrats, was obviously content with his new office and didn't want to risk any campaign for higher office in 1978. Most Democrats were pleased with his decision because theyc onsidered him a cinch for reelection, but an underdog in a race for governor.

Two days later, former Gov. Dan Walker announced he would not seek

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public office in this campaign. "The decision is neither temporary nor political," he said. "It is final, irrevocable and intensely personal." Walker said becoming a candidate would jeopardize his new law practice and the sportsman's club he was establishing. Although Walker said he could defeat Thompson if he ran, less charitable persons suggested he didn't become a candidate because he would have had trouble raising the necessary campaign money — and, he couldn't win. Family considerations were also a factor. His children are involved in his new businesses, and it later became known he and his wife, Roberta, were in the process of getting divorced.

Shifted to Bakalis
The campaign attention then shifted to Comptroller Michael J. Bakalis who had previously said he would become a candidate for governor if Dixon did not run. After Dixon's announcement, however, Bakalis hinted he might instead run for the Senate. He waited five weeks to make a formal announcement for governor. "Thompson can't run the state when he's spending half his time running around the country telling people how wonderful he'd be as president," Bakalis said. "The problems of government must be seriously addressed in the Statehouse of Illinois and not influenced by plans and visions of the White House in Washington,"

Bakalis also let it be known he wanted U.S. Rep. Paul Simon of Carbondale to become a candidate for the Senate. But Simon announced October 25 he would seek reelection to the House. "The decision was reached in a large part because it would take a year of my life away from my family at a time when the children are 13 and 16 years old," he said. "If they were both in college my decision might well be different .... I also enjoy my service in the House. My colleagues are passing my bills, accepting my amendments and giving me at least some opportunity to have an impact on national policy. I sense my influence in the House has the possibility of growing." Others suggested Simon wanted no part of a statewide campaign because he had not yet recovered politically from his defeat for governor in the 1972 primary.

Thus, the tone of the 1978 campaign was established well in advance of the official filing period: the three best known Democrats in Illinois — Dixon, Walker and Simon — refused to become candidates for governor or senator.

Behind the scenes party leaders were attempting to recruit a stronger candidate than Seith for the Senate. For one thing, some Democrats who had once figured Percy to be unbeatable began thinking the incumbent was vulnerable because of his role in the Bert Lance affair. Percy sharply questioned the presidential assistant during the televised hearings, and even though Lance resigned, Percy admitted the hearings had not helped him politically.

Former Lt. Gov. Neil F. Hartigan was often mentioned as a possible candidate for the Senate, but he made no public attempts to secure his party's endorsement. However, Hartigan wanted to become a candidate. The problem was that he had made a commitment to a job in private enterprise — president of Real Estate Research Corporation and vice president of the First National Bank of Chicago — and the president of the bank, A. Robert Abboud, would not release him from that commitment.

Party leaders also talked to Donald M. Prince, the chairman of the Board of Higher Education who is employed by Rand McNally & Co. Prince, who had been the Democratic nominee for superintendent of public instruction in 1966, would not run for personal reasons. They talked to Newton N. Minow, former chairman of the Federal Communications Commission, and U.S. Rep. Abner J. Mikva. Neither would become a candidate.

On the eve of the first slating session, former Chicago Alderman William S. Singer decided he would seek the party's endorsement for the Senate. Singer's decision to appear before the slatemaking committee was especially interesting because of his past challenges to the late Mayor Daley. Singer led the charge which ousted Daley from the 1972 Democratic National Convention and he unsuccessfully challenged Daley for mayor in 1975.

Seith offered quite a contrast in terms of party loyalty. Speaking before the ward and township committeemen November 1 in Chicago, Seith emphasized his long history of labor for the Democratic party, both at the local and national levels. At the time of the first slating session, few persons would express an opinion as to whom would be endorsed. Later, astute observers would recall that Mayor Bilandic tipped his hand when he addressed the committeemen and referred to Daley's ouster from the convention as "unfair."

Slowed during sessions
Of the 22 candidates to present their credentials on that first day, only two, Bakalis and Dixon, appeared certain of an endorsement. Two women — Judy King, mayor of DeKalb, and Grace Mary Stern, county clerk of Lake County — appeared for lieutenant governor. Pat Murphy of Chicago was the only one to appear for attorney general. Jerome A. Cosentino of Palos Heights, a commissioner of the Chicago Metropolitan Sanitary District, ob-

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tained impressive labor endorsements for state treasurer and state Rep. Richard N. Luft of Pekin appeared to lead a wide open field for comptroller. Later that evening at a fundraising party for Cook County Assessor Thomas M. Tully, several persons remarked about the absence of strong Irish Catholic candidates which had often dominated the ticket.

On the following Sunday, Tully shocked the Chicago political community by announcing he would not seek reelection. He said he would not seek any office in 1978, but he hinted he might run for mayor in 1979. Somepersons thought Tully's announcement might somehow influence the slating of state candidates, but they weren't sure quite how.

The second slating session on November 8 in Springfield was as inconclusive as the first one in Chicago. King dropped out as a contender for lieutenant governor, leaving only Stern who also said she was available for treasurer. Additional candidates appeared for attorney general: Michael Howlett, Jr., son of the former secretary of state; and Richard J. Troy, a commissioner of the Chicago Metropolitan Sanitary District and son-in-law of ward committeeman Mathew W. Bieszczat.

The endorsement vote was scheduled for November 15. Downstaters, led by Bakalis and Dixon, were sensitive to the image of being picked in Chicago, so the meeting was held in Springfield. More importantly, the endorsement was to be voted on in a public meeting by the entire 24-member State Central Committee. Although the weighted vote of the committee gave Chicago members approximately 60 per cent of the vote, Downstaters said they were satisfied no one man would choose the candidates as Daley had supposedly done in previous years.

On the Sunday before the endorsement vote, John P. Touhy, chairman of the State Central Committee, and George Dunne, chairman of the Cook County Central Committee, summoned Bakalis and Dixon to Chicago to discuss the ticket. They said they needed some input from Downstate. Although the four of them had been in contact concerning a slate of candidates, this was the first time they had sat down together to hash it out. The private meeting in the Bismarck Hotel was a dilly; tempers flared and there was much shouting. When they left the room, the agreed upon slate was: Seith for the Senate; Bakalis for governor with lieutenant governor left open so he could choose his own running mate later; Dixon for secretary of state; Patrick T. Murphy for attorney general; Roland W. Burns for comptroller; and Mrs. Stern for treasurer.

Shepherd and Luft

When Touhy and Dunne told committeemen of the plans on Monday,there was opposition. Labor leaders strongly pushed Cosentino. Bieszczat told committeemen to endorse his son-in-law, Troy, for attorney general or else he would cause trouble in the assessor's slating session. In addition, Luft was fuming because he had expected to be slated for comptroller. Downstaters questioned whether they had gotten a fair shake.

Committeemen arriving Tuesday at Springfield's Forum Thirty Hotel were uncertain how they would vote. Rumors swept the halls that Chicago regulars were dumping Murphy for Troy. Cosentino was shaking hands and telling everyone he was confident of the treasurer's endorsement.

The 24 committeemen went into a secret meeting. After settling some procedural questions, Committeeman Lynn A. Williams of Winnetka, a maverick who had often criticized slate-making under Daley, said he had read newspaper accounts of the Sunday meeting. He said he would wholeheartedly support the candidates picked by the four leaders. "I wish I could, too," Touhy replied, much to the amazement of some of the committeemen.

Much of the discussion centered on Cosentino. Chicago labor leaders and Italian-Americans were pushing him for the treasurer's nomination. Downstaters said he could not be elected and that the party was not doing him a favor by slating him. They said he would receive unfavorable publicity because his Chicago Sanitary District connection (a long trial resulted in a prison sentence for another commissioner) and because of his trucking firm's violations found by the Illinois Commerce Commission. There was little talk of the Seith-Singer contest; Chicago Democrats let it be known that they simply could not accept Singer because of his past actions. Alderman Wilson Frost delivered an articulate speech on behalf of Burris. After two hours — without a private vote being taken — someone said: "Let's get out there."

The 24 members voted in public Seith, Bakalis and Dixon — all unanimous. Committeeman David L. Pierce of Aurora, called for a five-minute recess. When Touhy asked why he wanted a recess. Pierce said it was necessary to count the first three votes. The crowd snickered. But Pierce foresaw the upcoming disaster, and he hoped a short recess might avert the slating of two sanitary district commissioners. It didn't.

Troy was favored by only 10 of the 24 committeemen, but he won the weighted vote, 653,316 to 520,886 over Murphy. Burris split the Downstate vote with Luft, but picked up all of the Chicago committeemen and won 845,768 to 328,434. Cosentino defeated Stern by a vote of 769,891 to 404,311.

Then came reactions
The reaction was swift. "Without a woman on the ticket in 1978 the Democratic party is in deep trouble," said Nina T. Shepherd, an unsuccessful candidate for the treasurer's endorsement. Committeeman John S. Matijevich of North Chicago said: "We should have had a woman on the ticket. I felt Grace Mary Stern was highly qualified. The endorsement was a mistake. It was also a mistake to slate two members of the Sanitary District." The ChicagoDaily News called the slate "unbossed"and awful," and they termed Troy "completely unqualified." Some persons were mad at Dixon for not getting another Downstater slated, others said Touhy and Dunne did not keep their word about supporting the original ticket. The criticism was not fully aired in Chicago, though, because the contro-
Continued on page 27.

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Continued from page 6.

Richard J. Durbin, Lt. governor

versy over Mayor Bilandic's role in the taxicab fare increase exploded on the same day the ticket was chosen.

A group of Downstate legislators continued the barrage of criticism the following week. "Unfortunately, the machinations of Cook County politicians gave us a ticket of unacceptable candidates," said state Rep. David Robinson of Springfield. "We've been presented with candidates who will not wash Downstate. It is particularly ridiculous that two members of the Chicago Sanitary District are on the ticket."

Several political observers searching for a clue as to why the state committee endorsed such a ticket finally reached the cynical conclusion that ethnic balance was the key factor. They pointed out Chicago Democrats chose a Greek-American (Bakalis), an Italian-American (Cosentino) and a black (Burns). In addition, the Polish bloc got Troy on the ticket. Since no Irish Catholics were slated, they could claim the assessor's endorsement for that faction. And, that's exactly what happened. Senate President Thomas C. Hynes, an Irish Catholic, was endorsed for assessor. The ticket was rounded out when Bakalis chose Richard J. Durbin of Springfield, an attorney, as his running mate for lieutenant governor.

U.S. Sen. Adiai E. Stevenson III then jumped into the fray by meeting with Troy and Cosentino. Although the senator would not comment on the meetings, it was obvious he wanted them to withdraw as candidates. Some persons, including George Dunne, jumped Stevenson for not becoming more involved prior to the slating session.

Dixon, though, hit the hardest. "I will be a candidate for secretary of state, period," he said. "I will not speak on behalf of the other candidates; I won't oppose them; and I will not solicit anyone else to become a candidate. It's an open primary."

U.S. Rep. Dan Rostenkowski of Chicago sent word from Washington he was dissatisfied with the party leadership, and he hinted he might run for mayor.

Then came the official filing period in December. The endorsed candidates filed their petitions together. Robert Anthony Martin-Trigona of Chicago challenged Seith for the Senate nomination; W. Dakin Williams of Collinsville filed against Bakalis; Luft announced he would challenge Burris; and Shepherd said she would challenge Cosentino.

"The calls started coming in from legislators and county chairmen," Luft said in explaining his candidacy, "and believe me, I've been in this business since 1966 and nobody called to ask me to run before. They are interested in what's happening to the Democratic party now and in the future."

Shepherd said: "Many Democrats are outraged at the manipulations that produced a geographically and politically ingrown slate. It is no longer possible to ignore the fact that we now have a floundering Democratic party in Illinois — that Democrats are openly complaining that it is difficult to campaign enthusiastically for a candidate if they must apologize for the choice."

Few Democrats were pleased with the process, including Daley critics who had thought they had reformed the slatemaking system since his death. And Dixon criticized himself as a participant: "Alan Dixon was a slatemaker once. He learned his lesson. He will never do it again." Some political observers think in time the Democratic dispute of 1977 might prove to be more interesting than the election of 1978.

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