Committee, headed by controversial New York Sen. Alfonse D'Amato. It was D'Amato's insistence, and the lure of $1 million in assistance from the NRSC — an amount acknowledging his legitimacy as a candidate — that forced Salvi to do an abrupt about- face and attend the Republican National Convention in San Diego after vowing instead to use the time to campaign downstate.

Salvi's views on the issues reflect the constituency that got him past the primary. He is running on a generic anti- tax theme — though he acknowledges he must win his own race, not depend on the 15 percent, across-the-board tax-cutting message of GOP presidential nominee Bob Dole for help. He

would abolish the cabinet departments of Commerce and Education; end federal subsidies for the National Endowment for the Arts and the Corporation for Public Broadcasting; protect the

right of the states to regulate abortion;

and require the United States to consider privatizing Social Security.

And, wearing as a badge of honor "legislator of the year" awards bestowed by the Illinois Christian Coalition and a group headed by failed conservative gubernatorial candidate Steven Baer, Salvi has advocated constitutional guarantees of parental control over children and more local control over schools — an attempt to bypass the conservative fear of national standards for education. He also supports taxpayer-financed tuition waivers to allow children to attend private and parochial schools.

On the other side stands Durbin, who is running for all intents and purposes a professional campaign borne of a lifetime in the political machinery of Springfield and Washington. His core constituency includes organized labor and abortion-rights supporters.

Durbin believes in the classic liberal tenet that government has a role to play in assisting people who cannot help themselves. He wears his battles against the tobacco companies on his sleeve (his father died of lung cancer) and his successful push to ban smoking on commercial aircraft runs counter to the "keep government out of my damn business" ethic of Salvi

Richard Durbin believes government has a role to play helping people. He is a self-proclaimed defender of Medicare and Medicaid. He supports gun control, abortion rights, ethanol, biotechnology research and student aid.

backers. When Hillary Rodham Clinton hailed Durbin during the Democratic National Convention as working to carry on "the traditions of leadership that have been set" by Simon and Douglas, you could almost hear the trailer-park doors of Salvi supporters slam shut.

For Durbin, the decision to seek the Senate seat was relatively easy, given the growing conservatism of his own 20th Congressional District. Keeping his House seat two years ago by only a 55 percent to 45 percent margin over Bill Owens, an underfinanced member of the extreme-right John Birch Society, Durbin was likely to face a re-election contest every bit as difficult as his bid for the Senate.

Durbin's political professionalism, however, could become one of his greatest liabilities. Although Salvi is not exactly a political novice, Durbin is forced to wear the baggage of a 14- year congressional career, leaving him vulnerable to criticism on literally thousands of votes, especially on taxes, and the invariable charge that he has become too much of a political insider. Durbin also was a minor player in the House banking scandal, bouncing checks but blaming officials who never provided him with an accurate account of his balance.

Durbin makes a conscious effort to avoid the liberal tag in the campaign, acknowledging, like President Bill Clinton, the need to move toward center to win election. He is a major supporter of ethanol and biotechnology research, an outspoken proponent of federal financial aid for college students, an advocate of gun-control laws, an opponent of Republican attempts to change workplace standards and a self-proclaimed defender of Medicare and Medicaid. Durbin, who once was an abortion opponent, later switched position and supports abortion rights. He also belittles Republican tax-cut proposals, arguing instead for reducing the federal deficit "in fair and rational ways."

But there are complaints among some Democrats that Durbin has been slow to act decisively in defining his opponent during the summer months.

"Some Democrats are looking for a lot more activity in the race because they really don't like Al Salvi. And people are theorizing, 'If I was running, this is what I would say about Al Salvi, about how conservative he is.' And, right now, Dick Durbin hasn't done that. And I think the reason is Dick Durbin's role models in politics have been Paul Douglas and Paul Simon. These are guys who never said anything bad about anybody," says state Sen. Patrick Welch, a Democrat from Peru. Ironically, the challenge for each

32 ¦ October 1996 Illinois Issues

candidate now is to lure the same universe of voters — moderate Republicans in the Chicago suburbs — while painting the opponent in his true political colors.

The collar counties represent the true battlefield in this election. It is there that Salvi must convince the moderates among the bulk of the state's dedicated Republican electorate that he is not a right-wing zealot. And, while Durbin has a strong base of Democratic votes from the city, he also is counting on scoring some votes from disaffected GOP moderates, similar to the crossover vote of suburban women who helped Carol Moseley-Braun get elected to the Senate. Both men already believe they have locked up whatever support they'll get outside the media- and voter-rich Chicago metropolitan area: Salvi through his network of church and rural support and Durbin through a near decade- and-a-half of representing central and parts of southern Illinois in Congress.

Indeed, Salvi, with his constant warm and fuzzy public promotion of his children, has sought to portray himself as a benign conservative.

"My job is to make sure the people of the state of Illinois understand the differences between the candidates — and there are very clear differences. I want to go forward with a positive agenda. I also can't let Congressman Durbin pretend to be what he is not. He's arguably one of the most liberal members of Congress," Salvi says.

"I'm a conservative. I'm a tax fighter. The issue is what direction are we going to go: more government and higher taxes or less government, less taxes and more freedom. Congressman Durbin is not out there saying he's an extreme liberal. I have to go out there and flesh it out," the Republican says.

Feeling the heat of an early Salvi advertising blitz, Durbin began his post-Labor Day television campaign with a comparison spot that is expected to set the tenor of his attacks on the Republican, linking him with controversial U.S. House Speaker Newt Gingrich and warning of a Republican threat to Medicare and Social Security, two items dear to a devoted voting bloc of elderly people.

Al Salvi is running on a generic anti-tax theme. He would abolish the federal departments of Commerce and Education, end federal subsidies for the arts and public broadcasting, protect states' rights to regulate abortions and push privatizing Social Security

But Durbin thinks he will get Republican crossover support.

"It boils down to independent voters and moderate Republicans. If they view [Salvi] as outside the mainstream of Illinois politics and if moderate Republicans step back and say this is not the future of the [Republican] Party as we see it, if they are prepared to turn over the future to him and his followers, I would think that would be

hard for them to do," Durbin says.

Just where moderate Republicans will go is the big unknown. Salvi claims he has "broad-based support" from the party. But some Republicans are more outspoken, questioning whether turned-off moderate GOPers will swallow hard and vote for Durbin or simply avoid the Senate race and fill out the rest of the ballot.

State Rep. Rosemary Mulligan, a Republican from Park Ridge who was a Salvi seatmate in the House, is among the disaffected party moderates. She labels Salvi "an extremist" and says his conservative friends are actively pushing a Democrat to defeat her in the fall.

"Do I want the people who back Al to be in control of Illinois? No, I

don't," says Mulligan, a leading abortion-rights advocate who defeated longtime abortion opponent and conservative Penny Pullen in 1992.

"Because we [moderates] look at more issues and are more rational, we're expected to close ranks and not be punitive against those who have been punitive against us. At some point, you have to say enough is enough."

Ultimately, as Mulligan's problems may portend, the conservatives who got Salvi this far may make or break his candidacy. One difficulty among the GOP'S conservative leaders has been an inability to put aside individual agendas, stop back-stabbing each other and work together for the good

of their philosophical cause.

Salvi came through the primary as a rare rallying point for conservatives. But his general election playing field has grown beyond the "Island of Misfit Toys," and the internecine battles that cause fractures among his base could pose problems at the same time he must assimilate into the general electorate.

When Rudolph rescued the misfits and provided a beacon to Santa, he went down in history. If Salvi cannot control his misfits and illuminate a vision acceptable to moderates, he will go down as yet another losing Republican U.S. Senate candidate.

Rick Pearson is a Statehouse reporter for the Chicago Tribune.

Illinois Issues October 1996 ¦ 33